QASHQAI (QASHQAI) TRIBAL CONFEDERACY
PIERRE OBERLING- 7 Jamuary 2004
i. History
Like most present-day tribal confederacies in Persia, the Il-e
Qashqai is a conglomeration of clans of different ethnic origins,
Lori, Kurdish, Arab and Turkic. But most of the Qashqai are of
Turkic origin, and almost all of them speak a Western Ghuz Turkic
dialect which they call Turki. The Qashqai , in general, believe
that their ancestors came to Persia from Turkestan in the vanguard
of the armies of Hulagu Khan or Timur Leng. However, it seems more
probable that they arrived during the great tribal migrations of the
11th century. In all likelihood, they spent some time in
Northwestern Persia before making their way to Fars. Until recently,
there was a clan by the name of Mogaanlu among them, a name which is
undoubtedly derived from that of the Mogaan steppe, north of Ardabil,
in Persian Azerbaijan. The clan names of AIq Qoyunlu, Qara Qoyunlu,
Beygdeli and Musellu also suggest a past connection with
Northwestern Persia. Moreover, the Qashqai often refer to Ardabil as
their former home.A close relationship appears to have existed at
one time between the Qashqai and the Khalaj, one branch of whom made
its way to Azerbaijan and Anatolia, and another branch of whom
settled down in the area known as Khalajestan in Central Persia,
probably in Seljuqid times. Indeed, several authors, including
H®asan Fasai, have gone so far as to argue that the Qashqai are but
an offshoot of the Khalaj tribe (Fars Nama I, p. 312).
Vladimir Minorsky, however, believed that the migration of Khalaj
nomads from Central Persia to Fars antedated that of the Qashqai and
that the two groups merged when already in their present tribal
territories (Personal interview, 1956). In any case, there are
considerable Khalaj remnants among the Qashqai (see Garrod, p. 294),
and there is also a large group of sedentary Khalaj on the Deh Bid
plateau, north of Shiraz, who claim to have belonged, while still
nomadic, to the Il-e Qashqai . A list of Qashqai clan names shows
that, besides the Khalaj, some Afshar, Bayat, Qajar, Qaragozlu,
SHamlu and Igder also joined the tribal confederacy (Oberling, The
Qashqa'i Nomads of Fars, p. 30).
Precisely when the Turkic components of the I1-e Qashqai established
themselves in Southern Persia is still shrouded in mystery. Many
Qashqai believe that their ancestors were sent to Fars by Shah
Esmail S®afavi (r. 1501-1524) to protect the province from the
incursions of the Portuguese. But we know that their summer quarters
were close to the present ones already at the beginning of the 15th
century, for Ebn SHahab Yazdi mentions a group of them who were
summering at Gandoman, in northwestern Fars, in 1415 (Aubin, p. 504,
n. 24).
Equally uncertain is the etymology of the name Qashqai . The most
plausible theory, and one which was first advanced by Wilhelm
Barthold ("Kashkai", EI1 I, p. 790), is that it is derived from the
Turkic word qashqa, which means "a horse with a white spot on its
forehead". According to another theory, which was first proposed by
H®asan Fasai (Fars Nama I, p. 312), the name comes from the Turkic
verb qachmaq, "to flee".
The Qashqai chiefs have all belonged to the SHahilu clan of the ¿Amala
tribe. The earliest known leader of the tribe was Amir GIazi SHahilu,
who lived in the 16th century and is buried in a village called
Darvish, in the vicinity of Gandoman. He was apparently a holy man,
for his grave is a center of pilgrimage. According to legend, he
helped shah Esmail establish Shi¿ism as the official faith of
Persia.But it is only at the beginning of the 18th century that the
I1-e Qashqai began to play a significant role in the history of Fars
province. At that time, the chief of the Qashqai was Jan Moháammad
AIqa, popularly known as Jani AIqa. According to Moháammad H®ashem
AIsáaf (Rostam al-Tawarikò, p. 105), another Qashqai leader, H®amid
Beyg Qashqai , was a prominent person during the reign of Shah
H®osayn I S®afavi (r. 1694-1722).
According to legend, Jani AIqa's two sons, Esmail Khan (who
succeeded him as chief) and H®asan Khan took an active part in Nader
Shah's conquest of India in 1738-1739. But it is said that during
the campaign they ran afoul of the Afshar ruler, with the result
that Esma¿il Khan was blinded and H®asan Khan was so severely
mutilated that he died shortly afterward. The Qashqai tribes were
then forced to move to the districts of Darregaz, Kalat-e Naderi and
Sarakòs in Khorasan.
While Karim Khan Zand ruled from Esfahan (1751-1765), Esma¿il Khan
wrote him a letter asking him to allow his tribes to return to their
former pastures in Fars. On the verso of this letter, Karim Khan
answered in the affirmative. Thus, the Qashqai were able to return
to Fars. Later, Esma¿il Khan became a confident of the Vakil (Rostam
al-Tawarikò, pp. 337, 343), and one is tempted to believe that he is
the blind man standing immediately to the left of Karim Khan and
identified simply as "Esma¿il Khan" in the picture which is to be
found on the cover of Add. 24,904 in the British Museum.
During the period of anarchy that followed the death of Karim Khan
in 1779, Esma¿il Khan threw in his lot with Zaki Khan, claiming for
himself the title of governor of Fars province, but when Zaki Khan
was slain, Esma¿il Khan was executed by another contender for the
crown, ¿Ali Morad Khan. Esma¿il was succeeded as chief by his only
son, Jan Moháammad Khan, popularly known as Jani Khan, who backed
Ja¿far Khan (whose father, S®adeq Khan, had likewise been murdered
by ¿Ali Morad Khan). In 1788, AIqa Moháammad Khan Qajar launched a
campaign against the Qashqai in the Gandoman region. But the Qashqai
, having been forewarned of the impending attack, retreated to
safety in the mountains. After the assassination of Ja¿far Khan in
1789, Jaani Khan supported that ruler's son, LotÂf ¿Ali Khan.
When AIqa Moháammad Khan defeated LotÂf ¿Ali Khan in 1794 and
established the Qajar dynasty, Jani Khan and his family withdrew
into the Zagros mountains, where they remained in hiding until the
murder of the Qajar ruler in 1797. AIqa Moháammad Khan revenged
himself upon the I1-e Qashqai by moving some of its component tribes
(including the ¿Abd al-Maleki) to Northern Persia. On the other
hand, during this period a large number of Luri and Kurdish tribes,
which had followed Karim Khan to Fars, joined the Il-e Qashqai ,
thus greatly enlarging it.
In 1818/19, Jani Khan was given the title of ilkòani, which, Fasai
claims, was the first time that title had been used in Fars (Fars
Nama I, p. 267). Thereafter, all the paramount chiefs of the Il-e
Qashqai bore that title. When he died in 1823/24, Jani Khan was
succeeded by his eldest son, Moháammad ¿Ali Khan. Even though
Moháammad ¿Ali Khan was of trail health and led his tribes mostly
from his Baga-e Aram garden palace in Shiraz, he acquired enormous
power, his sway extending not only over the Qashqai tribes but also
over such important tribes as the Baharlu, the Aynallu and the Nafar.
He also forged useful marital alliances with the Qajar dynasty. He
married a daughter of H®osayn ¿Ali Mirza Farman-Farma, a son of
Fathá ¿Ali Shah who was governor-general of Fars province, and,
later, he arranged for one of his sons to marry a sister of
Moháammad Shah Qajar (r. 1834-1848). But, in 1836, he was summoned
to Tehran and then forced to reside at the Imperial Court for the
rest of the shah's reign.
Moháammad ¿Ali Khan returned to Shiraz in 1849, during the first
year of Nasáer al-Din Shah's reign (r. 1848-1896), and died three
years later. He was succeeded by his brother, Moháammad Qoli Khan,
whose powers were limited by the presence in Tehran of a strong,
stable central government that was determined to stamp out tribal
unrest and banditry. The new ilkòani was forced to reside in Shiraz
as a hostage for the good behavior of his tribes. In 1861/62, Nasáer
al-Din Shah further curbed his authority by creating a rival tribal
confederacy, the "Il-e Khamsa" ("Confederacy of Five"), consisting
of the Baharlu, Aynallu, Nafar, Basáeri and Arab tribes, and headed
by the rich and powerful
Qawami family of Shiraz.When he died in 1867/68, Moháammad
Qoli Khan was succeeded by his weak, alcoholic son, SoltÂan
Moháammad Khan. Under the latter's ineffectual leadership, the
Qashqai tribes faced their greatest challenge, the terrible famine
of the early 1870's. Although SoltÂan Moháammad Khan retired from
active leadership in 1871/72, he retained his title. During this
period, the Qashqai tribal confederacy stood on the brink of
disintegration. George Nathaniel Curzon wrote: "the tribal affairs
fell into the hands of smaller khans, which resulted in internal
dissension. Owing to this, about 5,000 families went over to the
Bakhtiaris, and an equal number to the Iliat Khamsah, and about
4,000 families dispersed themselves to different villages" (Persia
and the Persian Question I, p. 113).
It was only in 1904, when Esma¿il Khan S®owlat al-Dowla became
ilkòani, that the Qashqai once more regained their former cohesion
and might. At that time, Persia was ruled by the ailing, corrupt
Mozáaffar al-Din Shah (1896-1907), and the authority of the central
government over the provinces was steadily eroding. In Fars, S®owlat
al-Dowla gained control of most of the tribal hinterland, while his
arch-rival, Qawam al-Molk
(the Qawami leader),
established his power base in Shiraz.
During the Persian revolution of 1906-1911, Fars became the scene of
unprecedented chaos as the two camps struggled for dominance. At
first, probably because the
Qawami favored the Royalists, the Qashqai supported the
Constitutionalists. Later, when the Bakòtiari leaders became
dominant in Tehran and the
Qawami sided with them, S®owlat al-Dowla formed an anti-Bakòtiari
and anti-Qawami
alliance with the reactionary Sheikh Khaz¿al of Moháammarah and
Sardar-e Ashraf, the wali of the Posht-e Kuh, called the "Etteháad-e
Jonub" ("League of the South").
The civil war in Fars grew even more intense as the British
government became embroiled in it. The British, who established
their oil concession in Khuzestan in 1908, felt threatened by the
League of the South. They were also increasingly irritated by the
high incidence of banditry and the extortionate demands of tribal
toll collectors on the Bushehr-Shiraz road, which was the main
artery of British trade with Persia. Because the road passed through
Qashqai territory, British merchants blamed S®owlat al-Dowla for
their losses. Thus the British Consulate in Shiraz became a focal
point of pro-Qawami
sentiment. The unrest in Fars reached its climax in July 1911, when
a combined force of Qashqai warriors and troops belonging to the
pro-Qashqai governor-general of Fars, Nezáam al-Saltana, repeatedly
stormed Qawami
positions throughout the city. But in September, British threats of
intervention and defections from S®owlat al-Dowla's tribal army
finally convinced the ilkòani to withdraw from the scene.In World
War I, Fars once more became a seething cauldron of conflict. After
the proclamation of Jihad by Enver Pasha, it was optimistically
believed by Turkish and German leaders that Muslims from French
North Africa to British India would spontaneously revolt against
their infidel masters, and that even such neutral states as Persia
and Afghanistan would make common cause with the ottoman empire. To
facilitate this task, the German government planned to dispatch a
whole contingent of agents provocateurs to Persia and Afghanistan.
But when no uprisings took place and the Persian and Afghan
governments remained stubbornly neutral, the German plans were
accordingly scaled back. In the end, only two small groups of agents
were sent, one to Persia and the other to Afghanistan.
The agents who were sent to Persia were headed by Wilhelm Wassmuss,
who had previously been German consul in Bushehr, where he had
befriended tribal leaders who resented British interference in their
arms smuggling operations. In spring 1915, Wassmuss was sent to
Shiraz as German consul. On his way through Southern Fars, his two
German aides were arrested by the British and all his equipment, as
well as his secret codes, seized. Nevertheless, during the following
three years, he was able to cause such widespread mayhem in the
province that he became known as the "German Lawrence." Anticipating
the rapid destruction of British forces in Mesopotamia, he decided
to open a corridor from the southeastern reaches of the Ottoman
empire to India to be used as a prospective route for an invasion of
the Raj. In November, 1915, he led a coup in Shiraz together with
pro-German officers of the newly-created Gendarmerie, in the course
of which the British Consul and eleven other British subjects were
apprehended. The women were later released, but the men were
incarcerated in the fortress of Ahram, near the Persian Gulf, which
belonged to a pro-German sheikh.
However, Wassmuss's triumph was ephemeral, for his support came
mostly from the coastal tribes of Dashtestan and Tangestan, which
were too far from Shiraz to be of much help. In February, 1916,
Qawam al-Molk, the
pro-British governor-general of Fars, who had fled to
British-occupied Bushehr during Wassmuss's coup, set out for Shiraz
with his British-supplied private army. Although he was killed in a
hunting accident on the way, his son, who inherited the title,
completed the journey, and, together with pro-British officers of
the Gendarmerie, recaptured the provincial capital. A new,
British-officered Persian force, the South Persia Rifles, was then
organized to prevent any further pro-German coups.
After that, Wassmuss directed most of his energies to forming new
tribal alliances, especially with the kalantar of Kazerun and the
Qashqai ilkòani. S®owlat al-Dowla was particularly susceptible to
his appeal, for he still bore a grudge against the British for their
support of the Qawami
in 1911 and viewed the formation of the South Persia Rifles as a
British plot to further increase their power. Moreover, he was
easily convinced by Wassmuss that Turkish forces which were then
invading Western Persia would soon oust the British from Persia.
Therefore, he finally decided to take action against the British.
But he quickly learned that he had overestimated the strength of his
tribal army. In May 1918, a large Qashqai force attacked a
detachment of the South Persia Rifles at Khana Zenyan, on the
Bushehr-Shiraz road. As British troops rushed to the rescue, a major
battle took place between the Qashqai and the relief column. In this
engagement, Qashqai forces far outnumbered those of Great Britain,
but they were nonetheless decisively defeated. As the war was
winding down in Europe, Wassmuss fled to Qom, where he was finally
captured by the British in 1919.During the reign of Reza Shah
(1925-1941), the Qashqai suffered great hardship. In 1926, S®owlat
al-Dowla and his eldest son, Nasáer Khan, were summoned to Tehran as
deputies in the new Majles, but they quickly realized that they were
virtual prisoners of the Shah. They were forced to cooperate with
the central government in its efforts to disarm the Qashqai tribes.
Then they were stripped of their parliamentary immunity and thrown
into jail. Meanwhile, military governors were assigned to the
various Qashqai tribes, the tribesmen were subjected to the Shah's
highly unpopular military conscription law and a new taxation system
was established which was often abused by corrupt government tax
collectors.
In the spring of 1929, the nomads' resentment, which had been
further exacerbated by the barbarity of some of the military
governors, led to a widespread uprising in Southern Persia in which
the Qashqai played the leading role. After several months of
fighting, the central government signed a truce according to which
S®owlat al-Dowla and Nasáer Khan were reinstated as members of the
Majles, the military governors were withdrawn from tribal
territories and a general amnesty was declared. However, Reza Shah
was determined to put an end to the tribal system in Persia, and,
just as he crushed the Lors, the Kurds and the Arabs, he finally
crushed the Qashqai . In 1932, the Qashqai once more rebelled, but
in vain. In 1933, S®owlat al-Dowla was put to death in one of the
Shah's prisons, and, shortly thereafter, the Shah, having decided to
force the nomads to settle down upon the land, cut off their
migration routes with his modern, mechanized army. This shortsighted
policy did not produce agriculturists, but only starving nomads, and
William O. Douglas was probably right when he wrote that "they would
have been wiped out in a few decades had the conditions persisted"
(p. 139).
When Reza Shah abdicated in September 1941, Nasáer Khan and his
brother Khosrow Khan escaped from Tehran, where they had been forced
to reside, and hastened back to Fars. Proclaiming himself ilkòani,
Nasáer Khan reconstituted the Il-e Qashqai , repossessed all the
tribal territories and ordered the resumption of the tribal
migrations. But he had inherited his father's Anglophobia and
propensity for fishing in troubled waters. Certain that the German
thrust toward the Caucasus was a mere preamble to a German invasion
of Persia and its liberation from the hated British, he, like his
father before him, decided to back Germany in a world
conflict.Having heard that the German agent, Berthold Schulze-Holthus
(of the Abwehr), was hiding in Tehran, he urged him to come to Fars
in the late spring of 1942. Thereupon, Schulze-Holthus set out for
Qashqai headquarters in Firuzabad and became Nasáer Khan's military
advisor. Later, several more German agents were dropped by parachute
in Qashqai territory. But few of the weapons that the Germans had
promised to send to the Qashqai ever materialized.
Instead of sending a British force into Fars to subdue the Qashqai ,
the British prevailed upon the Persian government to do so. In the
spring of 1943, Persian troops were duly dispatched to the South and
a series of clashes occurred with the Qashqai , the Boyr Ahámadi and
other refractory tribes. In this campaign, the Persian army suffered
several major defeats.
Especially devastating was the mass slaughter of the Persian
garrison at Samirom by the Qashqai and their Boyr Ahámadi allies, in
which the Persian army lost 200 men and three colonels. A treaty was
finally signed between the central government and Nasáer Khan
according to which the Qashqai were allowed to retain their
autonomy, as well as their weapons, in exchange for accepting the
establishment of Persian military garrisons in Firuzabad,
Farrashband and Qal¿a Parian. In 1943, Nasáer Khan's two other
brothers, Malek Mansáur Khan and Moháammad H®osayn Khan returned to
Persia from exile in Germany. They were arrested by the British and,
in the spring of 1944, they were exchanged for Schulze-Holthus and
the other German agents, whose presence among the Qashqai had, by
that time, become a liability for Nasáer Khan.
In 1946, there was yet another major tribal uprising in Southern
Persia. This time, it was actually encouraged by the central
government. The prime minister, Ahámad Qawam, who was under great
pressure by the Soviet Union to accept a Soviet oil concession in
Northern Persia, had already been coerced into accepting three
Communist Tudeh Party members in his cabinet. He felt that a
widespread anti-Soviet uprising in Southern Persia would act as a
counterweight to that pressure. Nasáer Khan needed little prompting,
for he detested the Soviets as much as he abhorred the British, and
he calculated that if, for some reason, the Qawam government should
falter, he himself might provide alternate leadership as the head of
a grand anti-Communist coalition.
But Nasáer Khan also wanted to improve living conditions in Fars.
Therefore, in September 1946, he called a conference of the major
tribal and religious leaders of the province at Ùenar Rahdar and a
"national" movement called "Sa¿dun" ("The Happy Ones") was created
which demanded, among other things, the resignation of the entire
cabinet, except for Premier Qawam, the allocation of two-thirds of
Fars's taxes to the province, the immediate formation of provincial
councils and more representatives from Fars in the Majles.
When these demands were rejected, tribes from Khuzestan to Kerman
rose en masse. The Qashqai seized the towns of Kazerun and AIbada,
and broke through the outer defenses of Shiraz. Premier Qawam's
scheme worked to perfection, for, in October, he was able to form a
new cabinet without any Tudeh Party members.
Meanwhile, he had signed an agreement which accepted most of
Sa¿dun's demands. Moreover, a few months later, Khosrow Khan was
elected as a member of Qawam's Demokrat-e Iran party to represent
the Qashqai in the Fifteenth Majles, which rejected the Soviet
concession.
During the years 1945-1953, Il-e Qashqai thrived as never before. It
enjoyed almost complete autonomy, and, under the enlightened
leadership of the "Four Brothers", as S®owlat al-Dowla's sons were
called, the tribesmen prospered. Nasáer Khan and Malek Mansáur Khan
functioned as tribal leaders in Fars, while Moháammad H®osayn Khan
and Khosrow Khan represented the interests of the confederacy in the
Persian capital.
But, in 1953, the Four Brothers once more displayed their anti-Pahlavi
sentiments by supporting Moháammad Mosáaddeq in his attempt to
overthrow the Shah. Khosrow Khan severely criticized the Shah in the
Majles, and, when Mosáaddeq was arrested, Qashqai forces briefly
threatened to seize Shiraz in a futile attempt to convince the
pro-shah Zahedi government to free him. As a result, in 1954, the
Four Brothers were exiled and all their properties were confiscated
by the Persian government.
During the 25 years that followed the expatriation of the Four
Brothers, new efforts were undertaken by the central government to
make the nomads adopt a sedentary way of life. According to Lois
Beck, "Because of far-reaching disruptions brought about by scarcity
of pastures, government restrictions, undermined tribal
institutions, and capitalist expansion, most Qashqa'i found it
exceedingly difficult to continue nomadic pastoralism" (The Qashqa'i
of Iran, p. 251). As a result, thousands of tribesmen moved to
cities, such as Shiraz, Bushehr, Ahwaz and AIbadan, seeking work as
laborers in factories and in the oil industry. With the loss of
their traditional way of life, the tribesmen gradually lost the
cohesion which had once made them strong, and they were unable to
prevent the government from establishing direct control over them.
In 1963, the government officially declared tribes to be
non-existent, and all the remaining khans were stripped of their
titles and prerogatives. So confident was the Shah that the tribal
problem had at last been solved that he allowed Malek Mansáur Khan
and Moháammad H®osayn Khan to return to Persia, provided they stayed
out of Fars province.Many Qashqai participated in the demonstrations
which led to the fall of the Shah in 1979, and, during the
revolution, Nasáer Khan and Khosrow Khan made their way back to
Persia. At first, relations between the Qashqai and the Khomeini
regime were harmonious. Nasáer Khan visited Khomeini shortly after
the Ayatollah's arrival in Tehran, and, later, Khomeini publicly
praised the Qashqai leaders for their assistance in maintaining
order in Fars. Although Nasáer Khan was warmly welcomed by the
Qashqai, he made no attempt to restore tribal autonomy or even to
resume his functions as paramount chief of the confederacy. But
Khomeini's determination to establish a highly centralized
theocratic state soon alienated the tribal population of Persia, and
relations with the Four Brothers became increasingly strained.
Accusations against Khosrow Khan to the effect that he had been a
CIA agent and an attempt by the Revolutionary Guards to arrest him
in Tehran in June 1980 finally led to a complete breakdown in the
relationship between the Qashqai and the new regime.
Eluding his captors, Khosrow Khan sought refuge in the Qashqai
capital of Firuzabad in Eastern Fars, where he was joined by Nasáer
Khan and several other tribal chiefs. When Revolutionary Guards
converged upon the town, the Qashqai leaders and some 600 tribal
warriors set up an armed camp in the nearby mountains. For two
years, the Qashqai insurgents defied the central government and
repelled repeated attacks by the Revolutionary Guards. In July 1980,
Rudaba Khanom, Nasáer Khan's wife, died of diphtheria in Firuzabad.
In April 1982, a surprise night attack by Revolutionary Guards who
had been transported by helicopters finally compelled the Qashqai to
abandon their camp and move to higher ground, leaving behind all
their equipment and medical supplies. A few days later, ¿Abdollah
Khan, Nasáer Khan's eldest son, who was the insurgents' only doctor,
died of a heart attack. This loss so devastated Nasáer Khan that he
decided to give up the struggle, and, in May 1982 he fled Persia by
way of Kurdistan with the help of the Jaf Kurds.
In July, Khosrow Khan negotiated a settlement with the central
government, which put an end to the tribal rebellion. But, in
September 1982, the Islamic Revolutionary Court in Shiraz condemned
him to death and he was hung in one of the city's major squares on
October 8. Several other Qashqai leaders, including Malek Mansáur
Khan, were also arrested.
When Nasáer Khan died in January 1984, the history of the I1-e
Qashqai truly ended, for he was the last ilkòani.
Bibliography.
General works:
Lois Beck, The Qashqa'i of Iran, New Haven, 1974. Pierre Oberling,
The Qashqa'i Nomads of Fars, The Hague, 1974. Early history: Mirza ¿Abd
al-Karim, "Zeyl-e Mirza ¿Abd al-Karim", in Mirza Moháammad S®adeq,
Tarikò-e Giti Gosha, Tehran, 1938/29, pp. 276-373. Moháammad Hashem
AIsáaf Rostam al-H®okama, Rostam al-Tawarikò, Tehran, 1969. Jean
Aubin, "References pour Lar medievale", Journal Asiatique 243, 1955,
pp. 491-505. Mirza Moháammad Kalantar-e Fars, Ruznama, Tehran, 1946.
Nineteenth century;
Heribert Busse, History of Persia under Qajar Rule (trans. of H®asan
Fasai's Fars Nama, Vol. I), New York, 1972. George Nathaniel Curzon,
Persia and the Persian Question, 2 vols, London, 1892. Mirza H®asan
Fasai, Fars Nama-ye Nasáer I, 2 vols. 11th, Tehran, 1896/97. Reza
Qoli Khan Hedayat, Tarikò-e Rowzat al-S®afa, Qom, 1960/61, Vol. X.
Moháammad Ja¿far Khan Khormuji, Fars Nama, lath. Tehran, 1859.
Augustus H. Mounsey, A Journey Through the Caucasus and the Interior
of Persia, London, 1872. Adolfo Rivadeneyra, Viaje al interior de
Persia, Madrid, 1880-81, Vol. I. Mirza Moháammad Taqi Lesan al-Molk
Sepehr, Nasekò al-Tawarikò: Dowra-ye Kamel-e Tarikò-e Qajariyya,
Tehran, 1958/59. Zayn al-¿AIbedin SHirvani, Bostan al-Siaháat, lith.
Tehran, 1892/93.
Persian Revolution of 1906-1911:
Gustave Demorgny, "Les reformer administratives en Perse: les tribus
du Fars". RMM 22, March 1913, pp. 85-150; RMM 23, July 1913, pp.
1-108. Pierre Oberling, "British Tribal Policy in Southern Persia,
1906-1911", Journal of Asian History IV, no. 1, 1970, pp. 50-79.
Arnold Talbot Wilson, Report on Fars, Simla, 1916.
World War I:
Roknzada AIdamiyyat, Fars va Jang-e Beynolmelal, Tehran, 1933.
Ulrich Gehrke, Persien in der deutschen Orientpolitik, wahrend der
Ersten Welt Krieqes, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1961. Dagobert von Mikusch,
Wassmuss, der deutsche Lawrence, Berlin, 1938. Christopher Sykes,
Wassmuss, the German Lawrence, London, 1936. Percy M. Sykes, A
History of Persia, Third Edition, London, 1951, Vol. I.
Reza Shah period:
Kaveh Bayat, SHuresh-e ¿Ashayeri Fars 1307-1309 h.sh., Tehran, 1987.
Wipert von Blucher, Zeitenwende in Iran, Ravensburg, 1949. G. F.
Magee, The Tribes of Fars, Simla, 1945. Ferdinand Taillardat, "La
revolte du Khouzistan et du Fars", L'Asie francaise, May 1930, pp.
176-179. Leon Van Vassenhove, "La revolte de Chiraz", Le Temps, Aug.
1, 1929, p. 2. Mir H®osayn Yekrengian, Golgun-e Kafnan, Tehran,
1957.
World war II:
George Eden Kirk, The Middle East in the War, London, 1953. Berthold
Schulze-Holthus, Daybreak in Iran, London, 1954.
Post-World War I period and 1946 rebellion:
Peter Avery, Modern Iran, New York, 1965. William O. Douglas,
Strange Lands and Friendly People, Garden City, 1958. Oliver Garrod,
"The Qashqai Tribe of Fars", Journal of the Royal Central Asian
Society 33, 1946, pp. 293-306. George Lenczowski, Russia and the
West in Iran, 1918-1948, Ithaca, 1949. Marie-Therese Ullens de
Schooten, Lords of the Mountains: Southern Persia and the Kashkai
Tribe, London, 1956.
Mosáaddeq period:
Kermit Roosevelt, Countercoup: The Struggle for the Control of Iran,
New York, 1979. Recent events:
Lois Beck, "Tribe and State in Revolutionary Iran: The Return of the
Qashqa'i Khans", Iranian Studies 13 (1-4), pp. 215-255.
(PIERRE OBERLING)
7 Jamuary 2004
Source:
http://elxan.blogspot.com/2004_12_26_elxan_archive.html
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